On Sunday, Hungary went to the polls. At the start of the campaign, the feeling among Eurocrats was that Viktor Orban might succeed again. However, the EU held back and let the electorate choose their future prime minister without pushing for Ukraine. Normally, Orban would use the EU as a scapegoat to sway voters, but this time, the EU understood that pressing for the lifting of the veto on Ukraine’s financial package could play into Orban’s hands, so they waited until after the election. It was a rare strategic silence from Ursula von der Leyen, as we normally expect her to stumble over her words when taking the podium or the platform X.
Now that we know Peter Magyar won by a landslide, the answer is clear. You can attempt to manipulate democracy, but the electorate draws the line at alliances that run counter to their values. Let’s not forget Hungary’s history. After World War 2, Hungary became a Soviet‑aligned communist state, which unsettled many. The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was a nationwide uprising against Soviet control and the communist government. It remains one of the most significant anti-Soviet movements of the Cold War, still shaping Hungarian identity. Back then, Western Europe looked away, becoming complicit in the aftermath when the secret police opened fire and triggered wider revolt. Hungarians demanded Soviet withdrawal, free speech, and a new government. Now, Hungarians demanded better governance in a democratic set-up.
Certainly, with Ukraine invaded by Russia and Orban aligning with Vladimir Putin’s foreign policy, this was a significant factor. Hungarians chose freedom in 2004 and reaffirmed that choice. The path to joining the EU is not easy, as it involves rigorous tests and scrutiny. I was there and witnessed this firsthand. Although the EU Commission may be somewhat lenient, the principles of democracy – especially independence of the judiciary and other institutions – cannot be altered. The sentiment that Hungarians did not want to slide back to regime alignment was clear. History teaches us all a lesson.
Besides, the US interference in Hungary did not go well either. In a period where there is a chaotic situation going on in the Middle East, and the surge of gas prices and oil prices because of a war that has the support of the US, this is reminiscent of the economic hardship that Hungary had to endure during the invasion of Ukraine and might once again need to bear due to the interference in Iran. Now we can argue that there are many economic factors stemming from the Ukrainian war, inflation that eroded people’s pockets, and the wrong economic policies of Orban’s government. However, interference from the EU or the US is still interference. And having Vice President JD Vance endorse Orbán in such a chaotic time certainly did not go down well with the electorate, given that many within the Trump administration don’t look favourably on the EU’s modus operandi. Besides, Magyar managed to convince and onboard Orban’s stronghold base in villages to vote for him.
Indeed, many of my readers may disagree with my position, but I have never and will never support Orbán’s government. Orban, during his tenure, demeaned minorities and implemented non‑Western policies that compromised freedom and liberties, especially in foreign policy. The EU stands apart from the US, and the prevailing US narrative about the EU does not resonate with many educated Europeans. While we have always been US allies, recent years have revealed growing cracks in the relationship – originating not in the EU but across the Atlantic. The EU and US operate differently, and US policies and rhetoric – especially recent discourse against minorities – do not resonate with European voters. Despite the EU’s flaws, the bureaucracy and incompetence at the highest echelons of the EU Commission, I would rather live here than anywhere else. Though I often find the President of the European Commission’s approach lacking due to her incompetence, I still prefer the EU’s way of life. Nevertheless, today, the EU must reassess itself, as the rules‑based order is faltering. I am not suggesting that we abandon rules, but clinging to unchanged policies will not serve a democratic Europe.
Now that Magyar has become Hungary’s Prime Minister, we can fairly say that his government will pursue a pro‑EU approach, or at least I hope he doesn’t descend into Orban’s path. To give my readers some background, Magyar is the leader of the Tisza Party, a centre‑right, pro‑European political movement. He was a Fidesz (Orban’s party) insider who later became a strong critic of Orban’s government. Peter campaigned on anti‑corruption reforms, restoring democratic institutions, and strengthening ties with the European Union. Indeed, his campaign achieved a historic victory in Sunday’s parliamentary elections, reaching a two‑thirds supermajority in Parliament. The turnout was also historical, with 77% of the electorate voting.
The EU’s approach to Hungary remains to be seen, particularly regarding EU funds, the new prime minister’s stance on the war in Ukraine, EU assistance on Cohesion funds to keep him in power for the long term, migration, and foreign policy. The next four years will be challenging, especially in restoring Hungary’s reputation abroad, navigating relationships with other governments, and stabilising the economy in a messy world. In truth, Magyar is no outsider, and that’s probably what augmented the victory and allowed him to beat Orban. He was shaped by the Fidesz party within the same political culture and networks that engineered his predecessor. And the way it looks is that he is still deeply embedded in that neo-patrimonial system. His politics aren’t that different either. However, it won’t be wise to pursue Orban’s policies, the same polices that the electorate just dumped in the trash bin of history.
